| |
|
As you read the following passage, identify what you feel are the significant
issues in the theme of “Western alienation” and how they relate
to the Calgary Declaration. How are these issues similar to or different
from concerns that have been expressed by sovereignists in Quebec?
A Century of Western Discontent
Sir John A. Macdonald’s National Policy had a three-fold agenda: to
complete a transcontinental railway, to settle the prairies, and to create
a manufacturing base in Eastern Canada. This policy was Macdonald’s
solution to the problem of uniting Canada geographically and economically.
Once this was achieved, it was thought, political unity would follow.
However, the National Policy became the source of considerable Western discontent.
To Western Canada, the legacy left by the policy consisted of discriminatory
freight rates and a resource-based economy that was subject to the boom
and bust cycles of the manufacturing and financial sectors of Central Canada.
The last half of the 20th century has seen great change and growth in Western
Canada, particularly in Alberta and British Columbia. The 1947 discovery
of oil in Leduc, Alberta, transformed that province’s economy, but
also led to increasing conflict with Ottawa. During the 1970s, Alberta Premier
Peter Lougheed fought for his province’s right to use the proceeds
from its oil resources to fund economic diversity, whereas Prime Minister
Pierre Trudeau’s National Energy Policy, implemented in 1980, intended
to use Alberta’s oil to subsidize gas prices throughout the nation.
Some observers point to parallels between the “Western alienation”
of the 1970s and the rise of the Parti Québécois and threat
of separation from Canada during the same decade. But a fundamental difference
was that while Quebec was trying to “get out,” the West was trying
to “get in.” The Prairie premiers played a significant role in
the constitutional talks of the 1970s and 1980s. The entrenchment of equalization
payments to reduce regional economic disparities, as well as a clearer definition
of provincial ownership of resources and the extension of provincial taxation
powers, were all significant points in the Constitution Act of 1982 and
a result of the Western agenda. And finally, although the amending formula
that requires the agreement of seven of 10 provinces with at least 50 per
cent of the population continues to haunt the constitutional talks to this
day, it has alleviated the Western concern about an Ontario or Quebec veto.
Continuing Conflict
During the summer and fall of 1997, British Columbia made news headlines
over its natural resources. First, the actions of Premier Glen Clark during
the British Columbia-U.S. “salmon war” brought the unresolved
issue of the Pacific Salmon Treaty to a head. This treaty, signed in 1985
with the United States, expired in 1992 and has not been renewed. But British
Columbia claims the treaty was ineffective and subject to misinterpretation
that consequently allowed the U.S. fishers to overfish. In an attempt to
focus federal attention on this issue, B.C. fishers held a U.S. ferry hostage
in the harbour of Prince Rupert for three days. Clark’s strong stand
on the issue is similar to that of former federal Fisheries minister Brian
Tobin over the issue of Spanish overfishing off the east coast of Canada
in 1995. But whereas Tobin had been acting on behalf of the federal government,
Clark was protesting Ottawa’s inability to protect B.C. interests against
the United States.
But it was Senator Pat Carney, who, by suggesting that British Columbia
might consider using the threat of separation during further constitutional
talks, demonstrated Western alienation once again. Her comments made the
national news, and polls immediately were struck to see what the rest of
British Columbians thought about separatism.
British Columbia is Canada’s third-largest and fastest-growing province.
The impact of the Pacific Rim on its economy shows no signs of diminishing.
But it has been a long wait for Canada’s westernmost province. When
Central Canada was experiencing an economic boom during the late 1980s,
B.C. was still trying to find its way out of the 1981-82 economic downturn.
Where to Now?
Salmon are more symbolic than significant to B.C.’s economy, unlike
Alberta oil during the 1970s. Yet, the B.C. salmon industry has greater
monetary value to Canada than all of our trade with Cuba. And many Canadians
feel the Canadian government did not adequately oppose the United States’
attempts to inhibit Canadian-Cuban trade. With an economy still dependent
primarily on resources—forestry being its number-one industry—British
Columbia is seeking to take more control over its own regional interests
and away from Ottawa. And since B.C. contributes more in taxes than it receives
in transfer payments, the provincial government feels it is in a position
to make political demands of the federal government for those tax dollars.
The unity question that Sir John A. Macdonald thought he had solved with
his National Policy still is a sore point in the federation of Canada. For
many Westerners, the fact that a
western-based protest party—the Reform Party—is now the Official
Opposition gives them hope that their interests will finally be heard in
the House of Commons. But, as far as the Constitution of this country is
concerned, it may still be a long time before true political unity is achieved.
Follow-up Activities
1. Choose one of the key political issues listed below and research
how regional differences played a significant role in the debate of the
issue. Identify especially the point of view of Western Canada.
- the Meech Lake accord
- free trade
- the Charlottetown accord and the 1995 referendum
2. Obtain and study the video and print material for “Western Alienation”
in the December 1990 issue of News in Review. Write a one-page editorial
in which you compare issues in the December 1990 story with those in this
current issue.
|
|
Indicates material appropriate or adaptable for younger
viewers.