Garry Kasparov at a press conference in Moscow earlier this month. (Ivan Sekretarev/Associated Press)

Most Canadians know Garry Kasparov as one of history's most impressive chess masters — the youngest ever to win a world title in 1985 — who systematically defeated both man and machine. A grand master, Kasparov retired from professional chess in 2005 to write and go into politics. An ardent foe of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Kasparov was arrested last week during a crackdown on the group The Other Russia and spoke subsequently with the CBC's Moscow correspondent Nick Spicer.

Garry Kasparov thank you for talking with CBC News. The last time we talked was through the window of a police bus on a Moscow thoroughfare when you were being arrested and you called Russia a police state. What happened in Russia on the 14th of April 2007?

Kasparov: On April the 14th and the next day on April the 15th in St. Petersburg there was a police crackdown on a peaceful rally, which was held according the to the Russian constitution and Russian law. Putin's regime just showed its true colours, its disrespect to the law and the constitution and tried to scare us stiff, to send a message both to Russian citizens — 'Don't come, stay at home, don't show up' — and also to the rest of the world — 'We do not care.'

I think it's the result of seven years of steady destruction of all democratic institutions in this country and the lack of any reaction from the rest of the world. It's a combination of unlimited money allocated by this regime, unchecked power, no allergy for blood and also impunity.

Yet for a Kremlin spokesman the police showed, I quote, "restraint in putting down an illegal march by ultra-radicals." How do you respond to that?

It's a lie from A to Z. Everybody could see from the pictures that the Kremlin forces attacked peaceful marchers, even people who were bystanders.

We can state that over the past five rallies we have held over these past four months, at each of these rallies, there was some sort of martial law. In Moscow, in St. Petersburg, in Nizhny Novgorod. But there was not a single window broken. If calling for free and fair elections and no censorship and respect for our constitutional rights is a form of radicalism or extremism, as the Putin regime insists, then, yes, we might be called ultra-radicals, because we insist on the Kremlin following the laws, rules and constitution.

The Other Russia movement you lead is diverse. It includes economic liberals, nationalists and Communists. Is that diversity a weakness in the long term?

Technically speaking, in the long term it might be a problem, but nobody is trying to create a political party here. This is a combination similar to what was created in Chile at the end of the 1980s, when all groups — Christian Democrats, Communists — got together to fight Pinochet in the referendum.

After winning the referendum they began promoting their own political and social agenda. Here in Russia we have a similar situation. We have one common ground based on our beliefs that we have to restore democratic processes in the country.

There is a program of national unity being worked out, and soon it will be published, and we agree on the sweeping political reforms of this package and even certain political and economic measure to cure this unbearable gap between rich and poor.

How about yourself, given the recent attention you've received from the authorities, do you feel you are becoming something like a dissident?

Yes, of course, we are all dissidents, because we are opposing this brutal regime. We still believe there is a chance to move our country back to the democratic process, and to force the regime to accept our right for free and fair elections. So we hope the coalition will be strong enough by March 2008 to promote our united candidate and dismantle the regime and bring our candidate on top of the power.

March 2008 is the date of the presidential elections in Russia. Is there any chance of seeing a President Garry Kasparov?

I am a part of this coalition. So far I am in the centre of the coalition playing the role of the coordinator and I don't want to see my personal ambitions jeopardize the chance of the coalition to succeed.

I do whatever it takes, but most important for me is to make sure that the coalition has a chance of winning. The best candidate is the person who can unit the left, right, all the different coalition forces. And I think that my best role would be to guarantee the integrity of this process.

So you are not saying No to the idea right now?

Things are changing very quickly. We think that after this April 14th weekend, we moved into a new country. Because the regime no longer shows respect for the law and doesn't try to hide behind intricate judicial details.

And so faced by such a blatant attempt to destroy our freedoms, we also have to reconsider our strategies. So I think that if the regime began such a violent attack in April 2007, March [2008] is a long way to go before making any predictions.

There is a big gap between East and West on how you and your movement is seen. Canada, the United States and the European Union have condemned the recent crackdowns. In the Western press you are being presented as defenders of human rights and democratic principles. But in much of the Russian media you are being portrayed as ultra-radicals, even sellouts to the West. Who will decide what you really are?

Hopefully, the Russian people. We are not hiding anything. If the Kremlin believes we are ultra-radicals, and selling country to the West, give us some time on television. I can take ten Kremlin stooges.

Give us some time, and let Russian people hear our story. We believe this regime is corrupt. Everybody knows about multi-billion dollar fortunes being swept away from our country and, let's say, prominently displayed in South Kensington in London. This regime is scared of the daylight. They know that two weeks of federal television without censorship could end Putin's rule.

So we are not afraid of truth of public confrontation, or of talking about our principles. What we want is for Russian people to decide who we are.

Do you fear for your life?

Yeah, I fear for my freedom, for my life, for my friends and colleagues. As we speak now the FSB [successor to KGB] has opened an investigation into me as a political extremist, they are opening two cases now, personally against me, for inciting unconstitutional activities. And you know, we'll see where it goes. But it seems we haven't seen the bottom yet.

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