UPDATE: Scroll down for a jaw-dropping response from Treasury Board President Tony Clement.
---
It was a revelation that raised an inquisitive eyebrow in some corners.
Not, mind you, because there's anything particularly (or even remotely) sinister about her new client, the Mood Disorders Association of Canada, but because most of us -- at least, those of us who obsessively follow lobbying issues -- were under the impression that she was subject to the same five-year ban on post-employment lobbying as ministerial staff and senior civil servants.
As it turns out, despite the government's much-self-ballyhooed 2010 move to expand the list of designated public office holders to include exempt staffers in the Office of the Leader of the Opposition, not a single one -- current or former -- is actually covered by the law.
Did the government inadvertently leave open a loophole wide enough to drive a little green bus full of former opposition staffers off to a post-Hill career in the lucrative federal lobbying sector? Or was it a deliberate decision -- one made with an eye towards a distant-but-not-quite-unfathomably-so future in which the Conservative Party finds itself on the other side of the Commons?
We won't know for sure until Treasury Board responds to my query, but in the meantime, here's a bit of context that might shed light on the situation.
Longtime readers may recall that when the issue first surfaced back in the spring of 2010, I successfully predicted that the government would one up a Rahim Jaffer-inspired Liberal opposition day motion
to expand the existing lobby regulations to cover parliamentary
secretaries, as well as ministers and senior civil servants, by bringing
forward a counter proposal to add all MPs -- opposition and
government alike -- to the Designated Public Office Holders list.
In fact, certain comments emanating from Conservative corners during the ensuing debate, including several from Day himself, led to me to speculate that the government might have another surprise in store for the opposition -- namely, that senior staffers might end up facing the same five-year post-employment restrictions that the party was angling to impose on parliamentary secretaries.
Which, of course, is exactly what happened: in August 2010, the government announced that the DPOH list would be expanded to include all parliamentarians -- Senate and House alike -- as well as "any position on the staff of the Leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons or on the staff of the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, that is occupied by a person appointed pursuant to subsection 128(1) of the Public Service Employment Act."
At the time, then-Treasury Board President Stockwell Day, described the move as "good news for Canadian families, workers and small-business people," who, he averred, could now be "confident that their Parliament is fully accountable to them, and not to special interest groups."
According to a Liberal staffer, staff in then-Opposition Leader Michael Ignatieff's office were initially very much under the impression that they, too, would soon be subject to the five-year post-employment ban.
"We took it very seriously," he recalls, with several senior staff going so far as to resign their posts before the new rules came into effect in order to "leave their short-term career options open."
Those who remained, he says, "assumed that we would be bound to honour the cooling-off period."
But when the new regulations came into force, "it turned out that it only applied to staff in the Leader of the Opposition's Office who were appointed or hired under the Public Service Employment Act, which was absolutely nobody in our office, and I imagine nobody in the current NDP office either."
An NDP caucus spokesperson confirms that, as far as he knows, no one in the current OLO was hired under the PSEA, thus bringing the current count of OLO staffers covered by the 2010 extension to a nice, round zero.
Was that the government's plan all along?
As noted above, Treasury Board is, as yet, silent on the issue.
But to go back, once again, to my May 2010 musings, I did wonder at the time whether it might be devilishly difficult, if not effectively impossible, to add OLO staff to the five-year ban list without snaring virtually all political staffers in the same regulatory dragnet -- including those in MPs and party research offices, who were almost certainly outside the intended scope of the government's otherwise admirably Machiavellian manoeuvre.
In any case, we'll soon find out if the government intends to rectify the situation, either by re-amending the DPOH list to ensure it actually applies to OLO staffers, or removing the purely symbolic reference to s128(1) appointees. Alternately, they could just leave the existing line there as a cautionary tale for future regulation drafters.
Until then, stay tuned!
In fact, certain comments emanating from Conservative corners during the ensuing debate, including several from Day himself, led to me to speculate that the government might have another surprise in store for the opposition -- namely, that senior staffers might end up facing the same five-year post-employment restrictions that the party was angling to impose on parliamentary secretaries.
Which, of course, is exactly what happened: in August 2010, the government announced that the DPOH list would be expanded to include all parliamentarians -- Senate and House alike -- as well as "any position on the staff of the Leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons or on the staff of the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, that is occupied by a person appointed pursuant to subsection 128(1) of the Public Service Employment Act."
At the time, then-Treasury Board President Stockwell Day, described the move as "good news for Canadian families, workers and small-business people," who, he averred, could now be "confident that their Parliament is fully accountable to them, and not to special interest groups."
According to a Liberal staffer, staff in then-Opposition Leader Michael Ignatieff's office were initially very much under the impression that they, too, would soon be subject to the five-year post-employment ban.
"We took it very seriously," he recalls, with several senior staff going so far as to resign their posts before the new rules came into effect in order to "leave their short-term career options open."
Those who remained, he says, "assumed that we would be bound to honour the cooling-off period."
But when the new regulations came into force, "it turned out that it only applied to staff in the Leader of the Opposition's Office who were appointed or hired under the Public Service Employment Act, which was absolutely nobody in our office, and I imagine nobody in the current NDP office either."
An NDP caucus spokesperson confirms that, as far as he knows, no one in the current OLO was hired under the PSEA, thus bringing the current count of OLO staffers covered by the 2010 extension to a nice, round zero.
Was that the government's plan all along?
As noted above, Treasury Board is, as yet, silent on the issue.
But to go back, once again, to my May 2010 musings, I did wonder at the time whether it might be devilishly difficult, if not effectively impossible, to add OLO staff to the five-year ban list without snaring virtually all political staffers in the same regulatory dragnet -- including those in MPs and party research offices, who were almost certainly outside the intended scope of the government's otherwise admirably Machiavellian manoeuvre.
In any case, we'll soon find out if the government intends to rectify the situation, either by re-amending the DPOH list to ensure it actually applies to OLO staffers, or removing the purely symbolic reference to s128(1) appointees. Alternately, they could just leave the existing line there as a cautionary tale for future regulation drafters.
Until then, stay tuned!
UPDATE - This just in from the office of Treasury Board President Tony Clement, whose press secretary insists that the ban does too apply to senior OLO staffers, despite the fact that, as written, it simply does not:
There's really just nothing one can say in response to that.Senior NDP operatives are now plotting to skirt the rules that exist to prevent senior advisors from selling access to influence over decision makers.Staff in the Opposition Leader's Office are subject to the same strict lobbying ban as Ministers, MPs, Senators and Ministers' exempt staff.It remains to be seen if Thomas Mulcair and other senior NDP members take a stand against this revolving door between Mulcair's office and lobbying firms.
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