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INDEPTH: CAPE BRETON
The unions
CBC News Online | December 8, 2004
It's said we should learn from our history. In the case of the coal
miners of Cape Breton, not only have they learned, they haven't
forgotten. The history of their union is one filled with unrest, battles
and death. The stories are passed from generation to generation so that
the union's history is as vivid for today's miners as for their
forefathers who lived it.
Coal mining in Nova Scotia has never been easy. Miners fought every
step for fair wages, working conditions and benefits. Along the way some
of the most bitter fights were with each other as two unions battled for
supremacy.
It was 120 years ago that a plan to cut the Springhill miners'
salaries in half prompted the formation of the Provincial Workman's
Association. It was the first trade union in North America and was
incorporated by an act of the Nova Scotia legislature in 1881.
That same year, Robert Drummond toured Cape Breton as an agent of
the PWA to organize miners on the island. He found miners working long
hours for low wages and paying high prices at the company stores. By the
end of 1881, half the miners had joined the union, but it wasn't easy.
People were afraid to disobey the companies, for good reason.
Basically, they belonged to the companies, lived in company houses, and
bought supplies in company stores. The early years of the
union were devoted to improving the living conditions of miners.
In 1909 the PWA faced a threat, not from the companies, but from
another union. The United Mineworkers of America arrived. It wanted
control of the coal miners and it had the money to finance the battle.
The PWA fought hard, partly for survival, but also, in true Cape Breton
fashion, because it distrusted anything or anyone "from away". The
companies supported the PWA for other reasons. They feared the miners
would be controlled by an American union and demand American wages. It
can also be argued, it was to their advantage to have the two unions
fighting each other rather than the companies.
The UMW did manage to organize some mines and in the summer called
a strike from Inverness to Glace Bay to gain recognition. The PWA miners
continued to work and even supported the companies' decision to call in
the militia. It became a recurring theme. The miners went on strike and
the military and police arrived in force.
The strike dragged on. The UMW paid a miner $2 a week, his
wife $1 and each child 50 cents. The company cut credit at
its stores and threw families out of company housing. Strike breakers
were brought in from Belgium, Montreal, Scotland, Wales, Newfoundland
and even rural Cape Breton.
It didn't stop there. The strikers were condemned in the press and
each Sunday from the pulpit. It was all too much, by November only 500
men remained on strike and by April of 1910, the strike was over. It had
failed.
Support for the UMW collapsed, but seven years later it rose again
when the PWA failed to get fair wages. Supporters of each union would
literally fight underground as their executives fought over the right to
represent the coal miners. In the end, the two realized the only way to
succeed was to join forces and in 1917 they formed the Amalgamated Mine
Workers of Nova Scotia. This new union would oversee some of the most
turbulent years for Cape Breton coal miners. The early 1920s were
roaring, but not in the traditional sense.
The PWA did leave a legacy. It gained legislation to improve safety
in the collieries and the right to have miners' committees inspect
mines. Other laws gave the miners the right to appoint their own
checkweighman and be present at coroners' inquests.
Today these appear to be small steps, but at the turn of the
century they were giant accomplishments for a union. These were not
unions as we know them. They were writing their own rules, running their
own show, and fighting for basic rights. The fight wasn't for pay
increases, it was for the status quo as the companies time after time
slashed wages.
In 1920, the Dominion Coal Company was sold to a new company, the
British Empire Steel Corporation or Besco. Within the year it cut wages
by two thirds. The union won an injunction against the cut, but Besco
successfully appealed. The miners had no choice but to work for just a
fraction of their former pay.
The Gillen Commission was set up in 1922 to resolve the wage
problem. That year the Dominion Bureau of Statistics estimated it cost a
miner 90 per cent of his earnings to pay rent and feed his family.
Contract workers actually paid more for rent and food than they received
in weekly wages.
The commission didn't resolve anything and Besco cut wages by 30
per cent. The local union called a slowdown strike. The Company Stores
cut credit to the employees during the strike. The international union
refused to support the slowdown, but the men paid no attention and cut
production by one third.
Unlike the strike of 1909, this one was relatively peaceful. Miners
were allowed to stay in their houses, but again the militia was called
in. About 1,200 of His Majesty's Cavalry arrived in Cape Breton and set
up machine gun nests around the collieries. The strike lasted eight
months and in the end the men returned to work with an 18 per cent cut
in pay from the 1921 rates and contract men received an increase of 52
cents a day.
Local UMW president Dan Livingstone wrote: "The wage schedule was
accepted under muzzles of rifles, machine guns and the gleaming bayonets
with further threatened invasion of troops and warships standing to. The
miners, facing hunger, their Dominion and Provincial governments lined
up with Besco, the men were forced to accept the proposals."
But the labour unrest continued. Just one year later, in June of
1923, workers at the Sydney Steel plant went on strike for union
recognition. In July provincial police officers attacked a group of
people and used their feet, hands, iron bars and horses to intimidate
the crowd which consisted mostly of women and children. The
confrontation prompted the miners to go on a political strike to protest
the use of armed forces. The federal troops were called in.
Union president Livingstone and secretary J.B. McLachlan were
arrested and jailed for their part in promoting a sympathetic strike.
The international union took over the local and refused to provide
strike pay. The miners were ordered back to work and slowly they did
return, but not for long.
In January of 1924, their contract expired. All the union wanted
was a contract restoring wages to 1921 levels. In response, the company
cut wages by 20 per cent and the miners walked out. That strike was
settled in April.
In 1925 American coal was underselling Cape Breton coal in the
Montreal markets. To stay competitive, Besco cut wages by 10 per cent
and on March 6th, 1925 the miners went on strike again. It would prove
to be the most bitter and deadly.
At the very start, Besco vice-president J.E. McLurg said, "We hold
all the cards ... they (the miners) will have to come to us ... they
can't stand the gaff." The statement infuriated the strikers who became
even more determined to prove McLurg wrong.
The company again refused to give the men credit at its stores.
This time sympathy was with the miners and their families. Independent
merchants continued to give credit, fishermen contributed their catch,
the British Canadian Cooperative donated $500 and in Boston,
expatriate Maritimers formed a Cape Breton Relief Committee.
Even with the extra support, the strikers were suffering. The town
of New Waterford was particularly hard hit. The town's water supply and
electricity came from New Waterford Lake, a few miles from the town. It
was controlled by Besco police who terrorized people by charging through
the town on horseback, ignorant of anything or anyone in their path.
On June 11th, about 3,000 men and boys gathered in the town and
marched toward the power plant. They were met by 100 armed police and
the so-called Battle of Waterford Lake began. The crowd attacked the
police, hauling them off their horses and beating them. The men said
they were driven to battle because the water and power to their homes
and school had been cut off. Some officers actually jumped into the lake
and swam to the other side for safety. Others stood their ground and
fired into the crowd.
Three miners were shot. Gilbert Watson was hit in the stomach.
Michael O'Handley was wounded and trampled by horses. William Davis was
fatally shot in the heart. The tragedy is remembered each year on June
11th when workers around the province mark Bill Davis Day.
The battle prompted the new Conservative premier, E. N. Rhodes, to
get involved. He met with Besco officials on July 16th. The police force
was withdrawn and the wage set at the 1922 level, a reduction of six to
eight per cent. In August the miners voted to accept the Rhodes'
proposal.
The strike lasted for 155 days. J.B. McLachlan was quoted as
saying, "Under capitalism, the working class has but two courses to
follow: crawl - or fight." The coal miners of Cape Breton remember and
continue to fight.
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